Defending Against Nationalism

Jason Kaminsky

Persuasive Writing: First Draft (10/31/08)

     My grandfather, a 75-year-old Jewish retiree and former republican, followed the migratory pattern of many fellow seniors to the Sunshine State 4 years ago. He is now afforded the luxury of complaining about any temperature lower than 60 degrees. Having converted himself several years prior into a staunch democrat and supporter of anything “Clinton,” my grandfather will freely share his political views with anyone, whether or not they are asking. His account of our political state in this nation is similar to many older Americans who seem to share a uniquely stoic image of what America used to be; a place of hope and great leadership, where people shared pride in their communities and their nation. His depiction of what our country has evolved into today is drastically different.  The vision of young, eager boys pulling fire-engine-red Radio Flyer wagons around Philadelphia, collecting any metal they could get their hands on, even if it meant hopping fences to steal rakes at the risk of being chased by blood thirsty hounds, contrasts his view of young people today as the half-hearted inheritors of our nation’s future. The idea that young people today are somehow less patriotic than their elders is not an uncommon opinion. People were voicing a similar characterization of the newly liberated “flower children” who while dropping cubes of acid were protesting the government’s involvement in Vietnam.

     The expression, “I love you, but right now I can’t stand you,” is a sentiment that my mother shared with me during some rather rebellious teenage years. It is also a feeling that many people in our nation might be sharing right now about the government. Looking at what George W. Bush has done with our tax dollars in Iraq while neglecting arguably more important affairs within our own borders, it is hard to be any more sympathetic towards our leaders. “Love for or devotion to one’s country,” is how Merriam-Webster’s dictionary defines “patriotism.” Here, it seems, that we are offered a choice. Although some may argue that this statement alone is grounds for heresy, a truly “Un-American” thought, the reality is that one can feel love for something and yet detest the way it which it conducts itself. The reality of what is happening today is that divisive political ideologies have created a fragmented nation where people are believed to be either for or against this country. The bottom line is that Americans should begin questioning their sense of loyalty (devotion) to this nation so that self-proclaimed patriots do not have the power to divide us socially or ostracize us globally. First, we need to take a closer look at how we as a nation have conducting ourselves in recent history. We will need to further define the use of the word patriotism, and then examine the affects of political propaganda for stirring patriotic sentiment. In doing this maybe we can see how our perception of America has become so generationally inconsistent. In addition, if we are able to acknowledge, on some level, that the misuse of our military power has had a significant economic and global backlash, then an argument can be made about the negative aspects of our unconditional political support. Finally, it will be important to note some of the shifts in our national identity that have occurred, in part, due to a rise in conservative values. Recognizing these trends will be important to understanding how fear has persisted in strengthening patriotic “bullying.”

     Saying that today’s youth are “less patriotic” than previous generations, is like shooting an arrow at a moving bull’s-eye. To start, the problem here is that there is no factual evidence to suggest that an actual grading scale can be applied to an individual’s patriotic tendencies. The biggest problem is the difficulty in defining what we mean when we say patriotism. What do we mean when we say that? We have found that our original definition shows that there are at least two ways we can define the actual term patriotism. Professor Walter Berns of Georgetown University adds another layer to the definition in asking, “Who was the patriot in 1861?” (Scott pg1). In his comparison of Robert E. Lee’s refusal to command the Union forces with Grant’s acceptance of the same job, patriotism is being characterized quite differently. It was Lee’s position that he could not raise a hand to his family who were fighting in the Confederate Army, while Grant accepted out his commitment to the political position of this country. It would be difficult to apply either one of these two definitions to the argument over whether or not young people today are truly less patriotic. Susan Macerich, vice-president of a company running over 50 shopping malls in the United States had an even different vision of Patriotism when her company launched a “Gloryous Celebration” in 2000 to “tap into that patriotic sense of America in order to bring back to the Baby Boomer the feeling of being a Boy Scout {or Girl Scout} at an ice cream social” (Fetto pg.49). Patriotism is a more complex and complicated ideology to identify when it becomes more evident that it is based mostly in a person’s own point of view.

     A new generation of Americans, touting vanilla lattes in recycled coffee cups, which proudly feature “Rock the Vote” advertisements, are often viewed as less invested in our future. Is this really true though?  An image has been developed here about a “pampered youth,” never called upon by draft, whose “biggest worry (is) how much money they (will) make on their first job,” (Morgan pg.1). Women who gathered in sewing circles, knitting blankets for our brave troops, are been heralded today for their political activism, while today’s youth are at times depicted as total ingrates, unable and unwilling to rouse themselves to lift even a finger to defend our democracy. Although the strong nationalist response by our people during World War II cannot be viewed any way other than altruistic, the political drive in creating public enthusiasm for war efforts, by the government, has not always been so pure. Almost any American is familiar with the World War I poster featuring Uncle Sam pointing to the viewer and insisting, “We need you!” The fear mongering of McCarthy’s “Red Scare” which employed ads saying things like “Someone talked” or “Is this tomorrow? America under Communism,” are perfect examples of a history of political propaganda. Creating a sensation of panic is nothing new to young people today who have seen their government use Terrorism and “with us or against us” politics to rally support for foreign affairs and spending. What may be different for us today is that young people seem to be exhibiting a greater ability to see through these various misuses of power.

     Abraham Lincoln has been quoted as saying that, “Freedom is the last best hope on Earth.” This statement is somewhat more complicated for a country that seeks absolution from a history of African slavery and the near elimination of Native Americans.  However, Freedom is still our brand here in America. It is our selling point to the rest of the world. We see ourselves as more progressive, more compassionate, and more powerful than any other nation on the globe. Our monument of liberty is poised as the last bastion of hope for a world full of sin and injustice. The issue is, not everyone on Earth agrees with these proclamations.

     A.G. Hopkins, a notable historian of Imperialism, explores a theme in American politics that has not changed much since the time of president Woodrow Wilson, and our involvement in World War I. “The world must be made safe for democracy,” Wilson once said. Hopkins mentions this type of watchdog mentality regarding China’s recent rise to economic power as well as our perception of modern day terrorism. “We are now being warned of The Next Attack… If there is no rest for the wicked, the just must be permanently alert.” (pg 96). Our new concern though, seems to come not from a rising super power or looming threat from the Middle East, but from our country’s thinning economic prowess. “Imperial Overstretch,” is how Hopkins refers to our newest predicament in America. He suggests that we may lack the “stamina” to carry this “imperial burden.” (pg 96). Disregarding for just a moment that the Iraq war was developed out of a monstrous lie to the American people about the possibility of nuclear attack, the idea that we must harbor the burden to make all things right in this world may not be based in a plausible reality. It is possible that our visions of limitless freedom actually do have limits, and those limits may unfortunately be more economically based than we ever thought before. 

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